סקס ליד הבעל סרטים כחולים סרטים כחולים

Inside, there's no standing with your cocktail, only sitting in huge armchairs or by the bar, the lighting is dim and the music is seductive. Not a "sexy" place of the sweaty, pick-up kind, but a classy hangout worthy of a new dress.

Red carpet coverage often resembles getting back with the ex — you know it was boring and uninspiring before, and you know deep inside it's going to be just the same all over again, yet a fake, squeaky voice inside you cheers: Year after year, with almost no exceptions, the media looks up, excited and adrenaline-pumped, to the award season, and the award season repays it with another volume of dull columns dresses, tedious full skirts and unjustified cleavages.

Can't the actresses do a better job choosing a gown? And why picking "color" over another black snooze-fest became just about enough for the critics to praise the "brave" star? I do know this — that with a little help from the 10 following creations, found quite easily on Style.

If you want to be quirky: Ulyana Sergiyenko Couture Fall Why: Half expensive milkmaid, half Les Miserables extra, this dress is just so hillarious. Trust a Russian designer to do so deliciously overboard. This is an especially sedative choice. Drape it, ruffle it, make it strapless — a nude gown is most likely to underperform anyways. But not if it has little pumpkins on it! Or is it roses? How far can a black sheath go?

Pretty far, if it's done right. Unfortunately, most black numbers on the red carpet are tulle-infused or lace-overdosed, and a big yawn. Based on her last escapades, none other than Anne Hathaway. Not every dress that sparkles also shines, and a whole lot of forgettable sequined gowns can prove it.

This is an artistic, bold alternative. Marion Cotillard could be great this. Sienna Miller or Hayden Panettiere. Usually, a printed gown ends up being a disaster. Because everyone's after the cheapest print of all — flowers. How about some totally adorable yet sexy polka dots instead? Cleavages tend to photograph horribly, and it's a known fact.

This otherwise conservative dress turns the sneak peek into a delightful surprise. Every award show, there's a young actress that chooses to go midi. Sometimes it works, sometimes it fails — but it rarely lives to its full potential.

Holly Fulton, one of my all-time favorites, provides us with an example for a whimsical, sexy, sharp choice. Jenifer Laurens has the body for it. Does she have the guts? Granted, lady-like is unbearably boring. But boring doesn't have to be ugly, folks! This elegant gown is Kate Middleton-worthy, and even kind of exciting. Only true mavens of style, or might it be aliens who descended upon us for the award season, can carry out shapeless stuff.

But shapeless can be fun, too, as this dress proves. But since they're not invited, here's a wild card: Awards shows sometimes serve as initiation ceremonies for younger starlets. The younger starlets in question often opt for bedspread-like horrors. This gown is a refreshing step forward. Elle Fanning, Chloe Moretz, you got the point. I couldn't resist but to sum this crazy, interesting, varied year with my own summary. Fashion, but today we focus on my personal cultural highs and some lows.

My massive Charlize Theron obsession this year came as a surprised — out of nowhere, her husky voice, her flawless looks and her unbelievable vulnerability in Yong Adult came together fell into place, and I realized she's my current "favorite actress". But it was the youngest Olsen who truly made my year, in a totally different way. Her face sweet as a peach, her red carpet choices ripe and random, and her performance in Martha Macy May Marlene as haunting and fresh as a newcomer can get, she portrays the ultimate, earthy-yet-fabulous, girl crush.

And Charlize, she'll always be Charlize. It was the timing —flat, boring, zero-happening summer, which made the Olympics so desirable. Or was it the cool location — London, the place where Spice Girls come to die? As long as we got to stare, adoringly and passively, at the runners, the swimmers and the athletes, it didn't really matter.

Walter White got kinky and ruthless, and his nemesis Mike was one shady character. Don started losing it on Mad Men. The normally cuddly William H.

Macy turned into drunk-ass Frank on Shameless, Wilfred, the horniest dog alive, disturbed the neighborhood peace, the incredible Michael Fassbender fucked and lied his was through Shame and the sleazy, soon-to-be-irrelevant stripper in Magic Mike, courtesy of the sweaty, ripped Mathew Mcconaghey, disgusted and charmed us. It was, undoubtedly, the year of men gone bad, so bad it was a pleasure to watch. No wonder my most active Pinterest board is all about that.

Kinfolk, folks, is the future of print magazines — expensive and sleek, it has a genius concept you'll have to find out yourself , state of the art photography, just the right amount of hipster, and an overall aura of quality and excitement. Look it up on Amazon and let it make your I admit comedies never were my favorite TV genre.

But when I found myself laughing, numerous time per episode, while watching New Girl, I had no choice but to declare this quirky show my new best comic friend. Zooey Deschanel is perfect as a teacher with growing up issues, and her roommates — the douchy Schmidt, the secretly sensitive Nick and the clueless Winston, are spot on.

Believable yet hilarious plots add to the charm, so as the little nuances and cameos Jamie Lee Curtis! How cynical I was when I found out you'll be based on the Israeli show "Abducted". How long I waited before joining the ranks of my roommates to enjoy you — for a whole month we'd walk around frazzled and tense, avoiding spoilers and waiting for the next episode to drop. Now, by the end of season 2, it's safe to announce the real star of this spy-politics-drama hot mess: One moment, sexy as a beast, another-lost like a little girl, Carrie was a brave and challenging year-maker.

Everyone loves a good comeback. But there are those PR-born, predictable comebacks, and then there are those who seem to be written by visionaries. Such is the comeback of Ben Afflek, not until long ago a shitty actor who mistook Jennifer Lopez for a wife, and now a solid husband of another Jennifer, Gardner, a proud father of 3, still a pretty shitty actor, but —it's even better — also an appraised and soon to be Oscar nominated film director.

When the media has so much fun saying "Affleck" and "quality" in the same sentence, it's hard not to join this good-hearted party. And the fact he suddenly turned quite sexy, with those chunky sweaters? She cut her hair and colored it blond. Giovanni Ribisi dumped her to secretly marry the model Anegys Deyn. She threw bitter interviews and spoke of change.

This year, the re-emergence of Cat Power, the velvety-voiced siren and the only vocalist whose sound goes well with my writing and studying, was marked by a personal experience — I caught her performing live in Boston. Bewitching, adorably clumsy and possessed by her talent, she completed the conquest of my heart within two hours of pure magic. Still ever so great.

A good year summary is not complete without a stand-out movie — a well crafted indie or a huge blockbuster that had us all abuzz. We Need To Talk About Kevin, directed by Lynne Ramsay, doesn't fall into any of the categories — it's just a disturbed, highly atmospheric film, that delivers Tilda Swinton in her finest and sticks to you weeks and weeks after viewing. The unconventional and the opposite of politically-correct topic is the biggest bonus here, but so is the growing, beautifully shot feeling that's something really fucked up is about to happen.

Enlightened brings Laura Dern back to our lives, Magic Mike check out the soundtrack! Stuff that made annoying: The discourse around Lana Del Ray and the singer herself, Katie and Tom's divorce saga as boring and "believable" as their marriage , Jessica Biel the most unjustified woman on the red carpet , Weeds' poor ending, the bestseller The Perks Of Being a Wall Flower read it and come on board with me , Anna Karenina — the movie Keira Knightley?

As a passionate Russian? Let's tuck them away in Baby Gap and never talk about them again. As always around this time of year, we are bombarded with "gift guides" — collages of sweet little nothings and knick-knacks that magazines want you to buy. Do you really need a stuffed bear shaped bottle warmer? Well, as Christmas-Chanukah-New Year is in full swing already, I decided to come up with my own gift guide. And just to eliminate doubts, I DO need those gifts, people!

Maybe you'll find them as adorable as I do. Every girl could use a pretty red dress, especially around this time of year. Madewell ear muffs, to keep me warm during the cold rainy days Northern California can surprise you with.

I'd go with the classic beige tone though — nothing pink or flashy. These ones are pretty perfect. A bespoke limited edition powder compact with my zodiac sign on it there are plenty of other signs to go around, of course — Estee Lauder somehow managed to read my mind on this one. A cruiser bicycle — sky-blue, light and fast like the wind. I wouldn't mind trading my old scruffy bike for this beauty. One can never have enough. I fell in love with Yotam Ottolenghi's "Plenty" a while ago, as it makes me crave vegetables I've never heard of before.

So what if I've never seen a Bond movie? I The Living Daylights polish, from the Skyfall collection , is the perfect choice for the holidays — glittery, happy, a little mischievous.

A chunky sweater — did I mention it's cold here, people? When the weather is grey and gloomy, I turn to color blocking. I saw these, by Coloblock Shop on Etsy, in Instyle's gift guide actually, and fell in love with them on the spot.

Sometimes gift guides do come handy. Pickles and jerky — food passions for the rustic girl. Too bad the delivery is so limited. I wouldn't call myself a Andy Warhol fan. I love big jewelry as much as I like it colorful. Faten, 38, a Sunni, fled there with her son Mohammed, 19, a member of the Free Syrian Army, who was badly wounded in a firefight a few months ago. Raised in the northeastern Syrian farming village of Mohasen, Faten, who asked me not to use her last name, told me her story.

We had wheat, barley and everyday food — vegetables, cucumbers, anything we could plant instead of buying in the market.

Thank God there were rains, and the harvests were very good before. And then suddenly, the drought happened. What did it look like? We had to solve our problems ourselves. So what did you do? I got a government job as a nurse, and my husband opened a shop. The majority of people left the village and went to the city to find jobs, anything to make a living to eat. But drought refugees, virtually all of whom were Sunni Muslims, could only dream of getting hired there.

The best jobs on our lands in our province were not for us, but for people who come from outside. A former cotton farmer who had to become a smuggler to make ends meet for his 16 children after the drought wiped out their farm, he is now the Free Syrian Army commander in the Tel Abyad area.

We met at a crushed Syrian Army checkpoint. After being introduced by our Syrian go-between, Abu Khalil, who was built like a tough little boxer, introduced me to his fighting unit.

He did not introduce them by rank but by blood, pointing to each of the armed men around him and saying: Free Syrian Army units are often family affairs. Nasif typifies the secular, connected, newly urbanized young people who spearheaded the democracy uprisings here and in Egypt, Yemen and Tunisia.

They all have two things in common: If this new generation had a motto, noted Aita, the Syrian economist, it would actually be the same one Syrians used in their war of independence from France: But Nasif is torn right now. So every option worries her — more war, a cease-fire, the present and the future. This is the agony of Syria today — and why the closer you get to it, the less certain you are how to fix it. I heard a report on this Saturday 25th may on Reshet Bet.

North Korea built a small nuclear arsenal for two reasons: These hard-liners never want to see an American embassy in Tehran. But Iran is not North Korea. The decision to re-enter negotiations is a clear signal that crucial players there do not think the status quo — crushing sanctions — is viable for them anymore.

Because they are not North Korea, the sanctions are now threatening them with discontent from the inside. Are they ready to sacrifice a single powerful weapon to become again a powerful country — to be more like a China, a half-friend, half-enemy, half-trading partner, half-geo-political rival to America, rather than a full-time opponent?

This is what we have to test. Joint Chiefs of Staff. Secretary General Kofi Annan: No, this is not ideal. But then few thought China could either. Secretary of State John Kerry has the right attitude: When the Ottoman Empire collapsed as a result of its defeat in World War I, the colonial powers Britain and France were right there, for their own interests, to impose their own order on the diverse tribes, sects and religions that make up the Arab East.

When the British and French left after World War II, they handed power, in many cases, to monarchs, who, in many cases, gave way to generals, who, in all cases, kept their diverse populations in line with iron fists. But, now, the Ottomans are gone, the colonial powers are gone and even the iron-fisted generals are gone.

Can the people in these countries who for so long have been governed vertically — from the top down — now govern themselves horizontally by writing their own social contracts for how to live together as equal citizens with regular rotations in power and without iron fists from above. When President Obama says he plans to arm the anti-Bashar Assad rebels in Syria, this is the vortex into which he is inserting America. It is still unclear to me where the president is going with Syria, but I see only three possible strategies: In the long run, though, this strategy most likely would lead to the partition of Syria into an Alawite zone along the coast, a Kurdish zone in the northeast and a Sunni zone in the rest.

We or NATO would have to have boots on the ground to help them topple Assad and then stay for years to keep the warring parties from murdering each other, to suppress the violent extremists in each community and to help the moderates write and implement a new social contract for how to live together. Those who want a unified, multisectarian and democratic Syria, a noble goal, need to be honest about what it would take to achieve that from where we are now.

It would take another Iraq-scale intervention — something we did not do well, and which very few Americans would vote to repeat. Our debate about Libya has been focused entirely on the sacking of our facility in Benghazi, but the proper debate should be about why there was — and remains — such a security vacuum in eastern Libya in the first place. The transition government has not been strong enough to bring order to Libya, and the instability there has metastasized.

The good news is that moderate Libyans have pushed back against their lawless tribal and jihadist militias, but without outside help it is an uphill struggle. Even if by some miracle that were to happen, so much more blood would be spilled along the way that we would still need an international peacekeeping force to referee any post-Assad power-sharing deal.

All volunteers, please raise your hand. Those are the options as I see it. None feel very good because those in Syria who are truly fighting for a democratic outcome are incredibly brave, but weak and divided. Fighting for democratic values — rather than for family, sect, tribe or Shariah — is still a new thing for these societies. Those who are fighting for a sectarian or Islamist outcome, though, are full of energy and well financed.

Proving Churchill at least half-right, we have foolishly ignored immigration reform for years. Yet it appears that brain-dead House Republicans and their pusillanimous leadership are not inclined to do the right thing and pass a similar bill.

That is how a great country becomes un-great. Many House Republicans are resistant to a bill because they come from gerrymandered districts dominated by older white people who have a knee-jerk resistance to immigration reform — borne of fears of job-loss to illegal immigrants and a broader anxiety about the changing color and demographics in America.

And rather than trying to defuse those fears by putting the immigration bill into the larger context in which it belongs, a critical mass of House Republicans seems committed to fanning them.

What world are we living in today? We are living in a world with at least five competing market platforms: And, if we were thinking strategically, one of our top foreign policy priorities would be to further integrate North America. I wonder how many Americans know that we sell twice as many exports to Mexico as to China, and we export more than twice as much to Mexico and Canada as to the European Union and three times as much as we do to East Asia.

And, with the discovery of natural gas in America leading to more manufacturing returning to this country, and the prospect of pending energy reform in Mexico, there is an opportunity to create the lowest-cost, clean-energy manufacturing platform in the world, with mutually beneficial supply chains crisscrossing the continent.

To enhance such a win-win growth strategy that would incentivize more Mexicans to stay home, we should be investing in a major expansion of transportation corridors to facilitate truck, intermodal including shipping and high-speed rail and human traffic in a much more efficient and legal fashion.

A Vision of a Continental Future. By focusing exclusively on fences, we will not stop undocumented immigration — because 40 percent of illegal residents are people who overstayed their visas — but we will fail to invest in the infrastructure that represents a critical foundation for our future. Watching the toppling of the Muslim Brotherhood-led government in Egypt, the most interesting question for me is this: Will we one day look back at this moment as the beginning of the rollback of political Islam?

Again, it would be premature to say that this era of political Islam is over, but it is definitely time to say that the more moderate, non-Islamist, political center has started to push back on these Islamist parties and that citizens all across this region are feeling both more empowered and impatient.

The fact that this pushback in Egypt involved the overthrow of an elected government by the Egyptian army has to give you pause; it puts a huge burden on that army — and those who encouraged it — to act in a more democratic fashion than those they replaced. But this was a truly unusual situation. Why did it come about and where might Egypt go from here? To understand the massive outpouring of grassroots opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood, which spurred the Egyptian army to evict President Mohamed Morsi from office on his first anniversary of taking power, it is best to avoid the language of politics — Was it an army coup?

Was it a popular revolt? Morsi narrowly won the Presidency by 51 percent of the vote because he managed to persuade many secular and pious but non-Islamist Egyptians that he would govern from the center, focus on the economy and be inclusive. The Muslim Brotherhood never could have won 51 percent with just its base alone.

Many centrist Egyptian urban elites chose to vote for Morsi because they could not bring themselves to vote for his opponent, Ahmed Shafik, a holdover from the regime of Hosni Mubarak. So they talked themselves into believing what Morsi was telling them. As it gradually became apparent that Morsi, whenever he had a choice of acting in an inclusive manner — and pulling in all sectors of Egyptian society — or grabbing more power, would grab more power, a huge chunk of Morsi voters, Islamists and non-Islamist, started to feel cheated by him.

They felt that he and his party had stolen something very valuable — their long sought chance to really put Egypt on a democratic course, with more equal growth. Meanwhile, the rural and urban poor resented the fact that instead of delivering jobs and bread, as promised, Morsi delivered gas lines and electricity cuts. The thief was calling Unfortunately for him the Egyptian Army answered. Its leaders had already been called by a significant swath of the Egyptian people, so it is now Morsi who finds himself in custody.

Historians will surely ponder over why the Muslim Brotherhood behaved so foolishly. The short answer seems to be that character is destiny. It has always been a Leninist-like party, with a very strict hierarchy and a conspiratorial view of political life honed from long years in the underground. It is to say that he made it easy for them to turn the Egyptian people against him.

Meanwhile, the Obama Administration was largely a spectator to all of this. The Muslim Brotherhood kept Washington at bay by buying it off with the same old currency that Mubarak used: Two critical questions now hang over Egypt: Egypt will never be stable unless it has a government that represents all the main political forces in the country -- and that still includes the Muslim Brotherhood, which probably still enjoys support from at least 25 percent of the voting public.

It has to be part of any new government. But the Egyptian Army has detained many Muslim Brotherhood activists today. And will the Egyptian army, which has its own vast network of economic interests that it is focused on protecting, open itself up to any reforms? Inclusion can be paralyzing or powerful, depending on whether everyone included can agree on a roadmap going forward.

Egypt today is in such a yawning and deep economic hole. It has wasted so many years of development. Can its main political actors including the Army reach a democratic consensus on the wrenching set of economic, security and political reforms required to set Egypt on a growth trajectory, or can they only agree that the latest president must go?

March 27, Thomas L. Most of its members are Pashtuns, not Arabs. Get used to it. This tension is not going away. Obama will have to lead through it. The rise of the Islamic State, also known as ISIS, is triggering some long overdue, brutally honest, soul-searching by Arabs and Muslims about how such a large, murderous Sunni death cult could have emerged in their midst.

Arab civilization, such as we knew it, is all but gone. The Arab world today is more violent, unstable, fragmented and driven by extremism — the extremism of the rulers and those in opposition — than at any time since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire a century ago.

The jihadists of the Islamic State, in other words, did not emerge from nowhere. They climbed out of a rotting, empty hulk — what was left of a broken-down civilization. They all embrace the same anti-pluralistic, puritanical Wahhabi Sunni ideology that Saudi Arabia diffused, at home and abroad, to the mosques that nurtured ISIS. Our media and education systems are liable for the monster we helped create.

We need to teach our children how to learn from our mistakes instead of how to master the art of denial. When our educators and journalists start to understand the significance of individual rights, and admit that we have failed to be citizens, then we can start hoping for freedom, even if it is achieved slowly.

Nurturing this soul-searching is a vital — and smart — part of the Obama strategy. In committing America to an air-campaign-only against ISIS targets in Syria and Iraq, Obama has declared that the ground war will have to be fought by Arabs and Muslims, not just because this is their war and they should take the brunt of the casualties, but because the very act of their organizing themselves across Shiite, Sunni and Kurdish lines — the very act of overcoming their debilitating sectarian and political differences that would be required to defeat ISIS on the ground — is the necessary ingredient for creating any kind of decent, consensual government that could replace ISIS in any self-sustaining way.

Video Play Video 3: This is an excerpt of a full video interview coming this weekend. The Tea Party can claim the other half. The United States is not going to be the air force of Iraqi Shiites or any other faction. This is an excerpt of his full video interview with Thomas L. Friedman coming this weekend. At the end of the day, the president mused, the biggest threat to America — the only force that can really weaken us — is us.

No victor, no vanquished and work together. President Obama talks to Thomas L. This is an excerpt of the full interview coming this weekend. And the more diverse the country is, the less it can afford to take maximalist positions. While he blamed the rise of the Republican far right for extinguishing so many potential compromises, Obama also acknowledged that gerrymandering, the Balkanization of the news media and uncontrolled money in politics — the guts of our political system today — are sapping our ability to face big challenges together, more than any foreign enemy.

The fact is, said the president, in Iraq a residual U. Absent their will to do that, our troops sooner or later would have been caught in the crossfire, he argued. This idea that we could provide some light arms or even more sophisticated arms to what was essentially an opposition made up of former doctors, farmers, pharmacists and so forth, and that they were going to be able to battle not only a well-armed state but also a well-armed state backed by Russia, backed by Iran, a battle-hardened Hezbollah, that was never in the cards.

Even now, the president said, the administration has difficulty finding, training and arming a sufficient cadre of secular Syrian rebels: Unless we can give them a formula that speaks to the aspirations of that population, we are inevitably going to have problems.

Is Iran being helpful? You want percent, and the notion that the winner really does take all, all the spoils. President Obama on how the United States is a different sort of superpower from China. This is an excerpt of a full video interview by Thomas L.

When it comes to things like corruption, the people and their leaders have to hold themselves accountable for changing those cultures We can help them and partner with them every step of the way. It is tolerant of other sects and other religions in a way that we would like to see elsewhere.

All we have to do is let the Americans bail us out again. And we can go about business as usual. The president said that what he is telling every faction in Iraq is: That you are willing to continue to build a nonsectarian, functional security force that is answerable to a civilian government. We do have a strategic interest in pushing back ISIL. I asked the president whether he was worried about Israel. I think the question really is how does Israel survive.

And how can you create a State of Israel that maintains its democratic and civic traditions. How can you preserve a Jewish state that is also reflective of the best values of those who founded Israel. And, in order to do that, it has consistently been my belief that you have to find a way to live side by side in peace with Palestinians.

You have to recognize that they have legitimate claims, and this is their land and neighborhood as well. In some ways, Bibi is too strong [and] in some ways Abu Mazen is too weak to bring them together and make the kinds of bold decisions that Sadat or Begin or Rabin were willing to make. Muammar el-Qaddafi, but not organize any sufficient international follow-on assistance on the ground to help them build institutions.

Whether it is getting back into Iraq or newly into Syria, the question that Obama keeps coming back to is: I absolutely believed that it was the right thing to do. And so there would be more death, more disruption, more destruction. Do we have an answer [for] the day after? If Obama did that, what would he be ignoring? To defeat ISIS you have to address the context out of which it emerged. And that is the three civil wars raging in the Arab world today: When you have a region beset by that many civil wars at once, it means there is no center, only sides.

And when you intervene in the middle of a region with no center, you very quickly become a side. ISIS emerged as an extreme expression of resentment by one side: Without it, though, the dominant philosophy is either: The Times article noted: The former general had appealed months earlier to rejoin the Iraqi Army, but the official had refused. Third, our allies are not fully allies: While the Saudi, Qatari and Kuwaiti governments are pro-American, wealthy Sunni individuals, mosques and charities in these countries are huge sources of funds, and fighters, for ISIS.

It is a sick, destabilizing movement. I support using U. Continue reading the main story. Continue reading the main story Share This Page Continue reading the main story. Continue reading the main story Continue reading the main story. THE United States is swamped by refugee children from collapsing Central American countries; efforts to contain the major Ebola outbreak in West Africa are straining governments there; jihadists have carved out a bloodthirsty caliphate inside Iraq and Syria; after having already eaten Crimea, Russia keeps taking more bites out of Ukraine; and the U.

Three big trends are converging. That may sound odd. Such values-based legal systems and institutions are just what so many societies have failed to build after overthrowing their autocrats. The biggest challenge for the world of order today is collaborating to contain these vacuums and fill them with order.

That is what President Obama is trying to do in Iraq, by demanding Iraqis build a sustainable inclusive government in tandem with any U. Otherwise, there will never be self-sustaining order there, and they will never be truly free. Which leads to the second disturbing trend today: Now add a third trend, and you can really get worried: America is the tent pole holding up the whole world of order.

But our inability to agree on policies that would ensure our long-term economic vitality — an immigration bill that would ease the way for energetic and talented immigrants; a revenue-neutral carbon tax that would replace income and corporate taxes; and government borrowing at these low rates to rebuild our infrastructure and create jobs, while gradually phasing in long-term fiscal rebalancing — is the definition of shortsighted.

The Cold War involved two competing visions of order. Preserving and expanding the world of sustainable order is the leadership challenge of our time. Or is it something deeper?

סקס ליד הבעל סרטים כחולים סרטים כחולים

סקס ליד הבעל סרטים כחולים סרטים כחולים -

The taco is an acclaimed star of the Mexican cuisine, and if you like it big, meaty and filling, Chicago has a lot to offer. I wouldn't call myself a Andy Warhol fan.

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Return to top Marketing Checklist Optimize. Manage Competitors for mnews. Start My Day Free Trial. Enlightened brings Laura Dern back to our lives, Magic Mike check out the soundtrack!

Stuff that made annoying: The discourse around Lana Del Ray and the singer herself, Katie and Tom's divorce saga as boring and "believable" as their marriage , Jessica Biel the most unjustified woman on the red carpet , Weeds' poor ending, the bestseller The Perks Of Being a Wall Flower read it and come on board with me , Anna Karenina — the movie Keira Knightley? As a passionate Russian? Let's tuck them away in Baby Gap and never talk about them again.

As always around this time of year, we are bombarded with "gift guides" — collages of sweet little nothings and knick-knacks that magazines want you to buy. Do you really need a stuffed bear shaped bottle warmer? Well, as Christmas-Chanukah-New Year is in full swing already, I decided to come up with my own gift guide.

And just to eliminate doubts, I DO need those gifts, people! Maybe you'll find them as adorable as I do. Every girl could use a pretty red dress, especially around this time of year. Madewell ear muffs, to keep me warm during the cold rainy days Northern California can surprise you with. I'd go with the classic beige tone though — nothing pink or flashy.

These ones are pretty perfect. A bespoke limited edition powder compact with my zodiac sign on it there are plenty of other signs to go around, of course — Estee Lauder somehow managed to read my mind on this one. A cruiser bicycle — sky-blue, light and fast like the wind.

I wouldn't mind trading my old scruffy bike for this beauty. One can never have enough. I fell in love with Yotam Ottolenghi's "Plenty" a while ago, as it makes me crave vegetables I've never heard of before. So what if I've never seen a Bond movie? I The Living Daylights polish, from the Skyfall collection , is the perfect choice for the holidays — glittery, happy, a little mischievous. A chunky sweater — did I mention it's cold here, people?

When the weather is grey and gloomy, I turn to color blocking. I saw these, by Coloblock Shop on Etsy, in Instyle's gift guide actually, and fell in love with them on the spot. Sometimes gift guides do come handy. Pickles and jerky — food passions for the rustic girl. Too bad the delivery is so limited. I wouldn't call myself a Andy Warhol fan. I love big jewelry as much as I like it colorful.

As I'm always annoyed by the slippery qualities of the bracelet, a cuff is a far better choice — this Fiona Paxton bling waiting for the Israeli readers at Alma botique is a great candidate. Hell yeah, a Navajo printed umbrella! That's all I have to say on this one. Who could resist a dotty shoe? Those Opening Ceremony booties are fun and quirky enough, but also appear to be comfortable. And finally, something for the soul. If I can't have an original piece of art by this amazing woman, a print will do.

It sure made me crave bright colors and folklore prints. I can't skip some "to do" pointers if we're back to the big city. I got only 2 this time, and both of them have to do with food. I stumbled upon this place, Yo Yo's , and can't help by recommend it. Not only the Udon soup is cheap and the suahi fresh, this tiny place will also bring you to one of the prettiest neighborhoods, around Jackson Square. Plus, it's close to Aveda's beauty school , where you can pamper yourself for a price much cheaper then everything else.

Couldn't find an appointment on time, but I'm sure it's worth it. The photoshoot, albeit blurry and rather dark, did seem to be to your liking, folks. Without delay not really — here's part 2, featuring an awesome velvet dress, and a very hot girl in mini. She's too shy to be videotaped, but not shy at all when it comes to snatching the best finds! I briefly mentioned garage sales in the California post — but really, words cannot describe the natural high a true fashion-crazy would experience while browsing through piles and racks of someone else's treasures.

Granted, there might be some OMG moments — considering someone actually BOUGHT and WORE the hideous piece of fabric you're holding, but also, some moments of pure magic, with vintage finds and high street surprises hiding in those piles.

The lucky hunt, plus the beautiful house in Long Beach I stayed in at the time, led to an inevitable deed — the fashion shoot! I proudly present the first half of the result — shot by Haley in her bohemian hub on Covina Street, the clothes — courtesy of garage-sale wonderland.

Look for the second part — more amazing clothes, little lights, guest appearance by gorgeous Haley herself, and a special bonus! Autumn in New York City is this lucky time of the year when the heat disappears and takes the humiliating, yet necessary, option of flip-flops with them, but it's not too cold to be fashionable yet.

It's then when the streets of Manhattan, that is if you're not too busy looking and pointing, in some cases at the famous buildings, become winter wear's best catwalk. Every coat you can think of, every shoe you eyed in the recent Vogue magazine, every ridiculous trend you secretly contemplated to adopt, they're all marching in front of you, bumping into you when you cross the street and push into your less fashionable shell on the subway.

When you come from a place less particular about winter clothes, New York can be one hell of a manual, with Dos and DONTs all over the budget scale. Here's a little selection of what I've learned over just a week:.

You can incorporate sportswear into your winter look quite successfully, without looking like a hillbilly. As long as it's not that comfortable, worn-in type of sportswear, and you're not running.

Necklace, Two A, shek. Knit, Sacks, shek. Boots, Jeffrey Campbell for Story, shek. Want to look cool and is if, thanks to some mystery genes, you're not at all cold? Do like a fashionable. Asian girl and put on a long, flowing skirt. Nobody has to know you have woolen tights underneath. Autumn can be the most elegant of times, and maybe your only chance to air your new accessories and. Besides teaching you a wardrobe lesson, New York autumn is excels in making you, the under-dressed tourist, feel marginalized yet striving for perfection.

Luckily, there are plenty of cheap high-street shops you can stop by and get your fashion fix. Just two more things come to mind: Although warm and tempting, they will immediately disclose your foreignness. And, no matter how confused you are, don't go and buy that huge, puffy Gap vest. There's no way your new open-toe booties will go with it.

This site uses cookies. By continuing to use this website, you agree to their use. Otherwise, there will never be self-sustaining order there, and they will never be truly free.

Which leads to the second disturbing trend today: Now add a third trend, and you can really get worried: America is the tent pole holding up the whole world of order. But our inability to agree on policies that would ensure our long-term economic vitality — an immigration bill that would ease the way for energetic and talented immigrants; a revenue-neutral carbon tax that would replace income and corporate taxes; and government borrowing at these low rates to rebuild our infrastructure and create jobs, while gradually phasing in long-term fiscal rebalancing — is the definition of shortsighted.

The Cold War involved two competing visions of order. Preserving and expanding the world of sustainable order is the leadership challenge of our time. Or is it something deeper? I was discussing this core question with Nader Mousavizadeh, a former senior United Nations official and the co-founder of Macro Advisory Partners, a geopolitical advisory firm, and he offered another framework: There is a lot of truth in that.

The sectarian and nationalist fires you see burning around the Middle East are not as natural and inevitable as you may think. It worked, and now Assad presents himself as the defender of a secular Syria against Sunni fanatics. The minute America left Iraq, he deliberately arrested Sunni leaders, deprived them of budgets and stopped paying the Sunni tribesmen who rose up against Al Qaeda.

The Palestinian extremists who recently kidnapped three Israeli youths were arsonists, aiming to blow up any hope of restarting Israeli-Palestinian peace talks and to embarrass Palestinian moderates. But they had help. Radical Jewish settler supporters in the Israeli cabinet, like Naftali Bennett and housing minister Uri Ariel, are arsonists. It is hard for people who have not lived in the Arab world to appreciate that Shiites and Sunnis in places like Iraq, Lebanon or Bahrain often intermarry.

Majorities in all countries oppose any form of U. I recently gave the commencement address at the American University of Iraq, Sulaimani, in Kurdistan. Its student body is 70 percent Kurdish, and the rest are mostly Shiites and Sunnis from across Iraq. With the right leadership, people in the region can and do get along. It is why for all the talk of breaking Iraq into three parts, it is has never been the preferred choice of most Iraqis.

You actually have to work at burning them up. To be sure, harmony between different sects requires order, but it does not have to be iron-fisted.

Iraqis just last April held fair elections on their own. They can do it. That requires the right leadership. Are you an arsonist or are you a firefighter? The past month has presented the world with what the Israeli analyst Orit Perlov describes as the two dominant Arab governing models: Both have failed and will continue to fail — and require coercion to stay in power — because they cannot deliver for young Arabs and Muslims what they need most: The situation is not totally bleak.

You have two emergent models, both frail and neither perfect, where Muslim Middle East nations have built decent, democratizing governance, based on society and with some political, cultural and religious pluralism: Again both are works in progress, but what is important is that they did emerge from the societies themselves.

You also have the relatively soft monarchies — like Jordan and Morocco — that are at least experimenting at the margins with more participatory governance, allow for some opposition and do not rule with the brutality of the secular autocrats. And results can only come from policies of inclusion , that would give all forces a stake in the system, thereby producing stability, checks and balances, and ultimately prosperity.

ISIS and Sisi cannot win. Unfortunately, it might take exhausting all other options before a critical mass is developed that internalizes this basic fact. That is the challenge of the new generation in the Arab world, where 70 percent of the population is under 30 years of age.

The old generation, secular or religious, seems to have learned nothing from the failure of the postindependence era to achieve sustainable development, and the danger of exclusionist policies. Indeed, the Iraq founded in is gone with the wind.

The new Egypt imagined in Tahrir Square is stillborn. Too many leaders and followers in both societies seem intent on giving their failed ideas of the past another spin around the block before, hopefully, they opt for the only idea that works: This could take a while, or not. We tend to make every story about us. But this is not all about us.

But we also helped open their doors to a different future, which their leaders have slammed shut for now. Going forward, where we see people truly committed to pluralism, we should help support them. And where we see islands of decency threatened, we should help protect them. But this is primarily about them, about their need to learn to live together without an iron fist from the top, and it will happen only when and if they want it to happen.

There is much talk right now about America teaming up with Iran to push back the coalition of Sunni militias that has taken over Mosul and other Sunni towns in western Iraq and Syria. Iraq and Syria are twins: First, it was by soft-fisted Ottomans who ruled through local notables in a decentralized fashion, then by iron-fisted British and French colonial powers and later by iron-fisted nationalist kings and dictators.

Today, the Ottomans are gone, the British and French are gone and now many of the kings and dictators are gone. Each country is now faced with the challenge of trying to govern itself horizontally by having the different sects, parties and tribes agree on social contracts for how to live together as equal citizens who rotate power. Tunisia and Kurdistan have done the best at this transition. Libya has collapsed into intertribal conflict. Yemen struggles with a wobbly tribal balance.

In Iraq, the Shiite prime minister, Nuri Kamal al-Maliki — who had the best chance, the most oil money and the most help from the U.

So today, it seems, a unified Iraq and a unified Syria can no longer be governed vertically or horizontally. The leaders no longer have the power to extend their iron fists to every border, and the people no longer have the trust to extend their hands to one another. It would appear that the only way they can remain united is if an international force comes in, evicts the dictators, uproots the extremists and builds consensual politics from the ground up — a generational project for which there are no volunteers.

But the necessary turned out to be impossible: The post-Saddam generation of Iraqi leaders turned out to be like abused children who went on to be abusive parents. The Iranians constantly encouraged Shiite supremacy and frustrated our efforts to build pluralism. Mosques and charities in Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Kuwait and Qatar continued to fund preachers and fighters who promoted the worst Sunni extremism.

And thousands of Muslim men marched to Syria and Iraq to fight for jihadism, but none marched there to fight for pluralism. I could say that before President Obama drops even an empty Coke can from a U. I could say that that is the necessary condition for reunification of Iraq.

But I have to say this: It feels both too late and too early to stop the disintegration — too late because whatever trust there was between communities is gone, and Maliki is not trying to rebuild it, and too early because it looks as if Iraqis are going to have to live apart, and see how crazy and impoverishing that is, before the different sects can coexist peacefully.

Pluralism came to Europe only after many centuries of one side or another in religious wars thinking it could have it all, and after much ethnic cleansing created more homogeneous nations. Europe also went through the Enlightenment and the Reformation. Arab Muslims need to go on the same journey. It will happen when they want to or when they have exhausted all other options.

This is one of those rare pay-per-view foreign policy moments. Pull up a chair. In essence what Kerry is daring to test is a question everyone has wanted to avoid: Is the situation between Israelis and Palestinians at five minutes to midnight or five minutes after midnight, or even 1 a. That is, has Israel become so much more powerful than its neighbors that a symmetrical negotiation is impossible, especially when the Palestinians do not seem willing or able to mount another intifada that might force Israel to withdraw?

Has the neighborhood around Israel become so much more unstable that any Israeli withdrawal from anywhere is unthinkable? Has the number of Israeli Jews now living in East Jerusalem and the West Bank become so much larger — more than , — that they are immovable?

And has the Palestinian rhetoric on the right of return become so deeply embedded in Palestinian politics? So when you add them all up, it becomes a fantasy to expect any Israeli or Palestinian leader to have the strength to make the huge concessions needed for a two-state solution?

President Obama is letting Kerry test all this. The Israeli withdrawal will not include certain settlement blocs, but Israel will compensate the Palestinians for them with Israeli territory. It will call for the Palestinians to have a capital in Arab East Jerusalem and for Palestinians to recognize Israel as the nation state of the Jewish people. It will not include any right of return for Palestinian refugees into Israel proper.

Kerry expects and hopes that both Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas will declare that despite their reservations about one or another element in the U. This is where things will get interesting. But he remains deeply skeptical about Palestinian intentions — or as Netanyahu said here Tuesday: Which is why — although Netanyahu has started to prepare the ground here for the U. He will lose a major part of his own Likud Party and all his other right-wing allies.

In short, for Netanyahu to move forward, he will have to build a new political base around centrist parties. In a cautious dance of two-steps-forward, one-step-back, U-turning leaders must shift their political center of gravity from the former base to their future platform.

If the Palestinians and Israelis find a way to proceed with the Kerry plan, everything is still possible. If not, he loses his credibility. If and when that happens, Israel, which controls the land, would have to either implement a unilateral withdrawal, live with the morally corrosive and globally isolating implications of a permanent West Bank occupation or design a new framework of one-state-for-two-people.

The next train is the one coming at them. There is one group of people with an even greater interest than Democrats in President Obama prevailing over Tea Party Republicans in this shutdown showdown, and that is mainstream Republicans.

In the long run, because this fringe would be dictating the party line, Republicans would stand zero chance of winning the White House in Finally, given the way the Republicans have managed to gerrymander so many Congressional districts in their favor, they can easily retain control of the House under any normal economic conditions.

But if they trigger a U. He should negotiate with them. He needs to lead. President Obama is leading. He is protecting the very rules that are the foundation of any healthy democracy. He is leading by not giving in to this blackmail, because if he did he would undermine the principle of majority rule that is the bedrock of our democracy.

That system guarantees the minority the right to be heard and to run for office and become the majority, but it also ensures that once voters have spoken, and their representatives have voted — and, if legally challenged, the Supreme Court has also ruled in their favor — the majority decision holds sway.

A minority of a minority, which has lost every democratic means to secure its agenda, has no right to now threaten to tank our economy if its demands are not met. If we do not preserve this system, nothing will ever be settled again in American politics.

There would be nothing to prevent a future Democratic Congress from using the exact same blackmail to try to overturn a law enacted by their Republican rivals. The president has said that he would give the G. What Obama will not do, and must not do, is pay an entry fee to that negotiation — say giving up the medical-device tax — just to help Boehner down from the tree.

Only Republicans can delegitimize the nihilistic madness at the base of their party. Yes, it will cost them today, but it will enable them to thrive in the future.

America needs a proper right-of-center conservative party to challenge a left-of-center Democratic Party. AN Arab friend remarked to me that watching the United States debate how much to get involved in Syria reminded him of an Arab proverb: After burning our tongues in Iraq and Afghanistan, and watching with increasing distress the aftermath of the revolutions in Libya, Tunisia and Egypt, President Obama is right to be cautious about getting burned in Damascus.

We ignore the lessons at our peril — especially the lesson of Iraq, which everyone just wants to forget but is hugely relevant. So, like Iraq, Syria has been ruled for much of its modern history by either a colonial power or an iron-fisted autocrat. In Iraq, the hope was that once the iron-fisted dictator was removed by us it would steadily transition to a multisectarian, multiparty democracy.

Ditto for Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen. But we now see the huge difference between Eastern Europe in and the Arab world in In most of Eastern Europe, the heavy lid of communist authoritarian rule was suppressing broad and deeply rooted aspirations for democracy.

So when that lid was removed, most of these countries relatively quickly moved to freely elected governments — helped and inspired by the European Union.

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